A PAC formed by a GOP-friendly Austin law firm in 2008 didn't get much traction until two of the nation's top three donors began dumping a quarter million dollars into it. Lobby Watch digs into Hance Scarborough's HS Law PAC as it begins to flex political muscle on behalf of its powerful sponsors: Bob Perry and Harold Simmons.
Read the new Lobby Watch.
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Showing posts with label Bob Perry. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Bob Perry. Show all posts
Wednesday, October 24, 2012
Bob Perry: GOP ATM
TPJ has completed an in-depth study of Bob Perry, the reclusive Houston home builder who became one of America's most powerful men by letting his fortune speak for him. The more than $20 million that Bob Perry has given Super PACs this election cycle makes him the nation's No. 2 contributor. Perry has long reigned as the No. 1 political contributor in his home state of Texas.
Read TPJ's in-depth look at Bob Perry.
Read TPJ's in-depth look at Bob Perry.
Wednesday, June 1, 2011
Lobby Watch: HOA Reform DOA Thanks to Bob Perry's Political DNA
Bob Perry's DNA was all over the House floor last week when Rep. Burt Solomons pronounced dead his bill to reform anti-consumer homeowners associations (HOAs). A TPJ analysis matching campaign funds with HOA votes supports Solomons' contention that three powerful campaign funders ordered the hit on HOA reform: homebuilder Bob Perry, Perry's HillCo Partners lobby firm, and homebuilder front group Texans for Lawsuit Reform. House members who opposed HOA reform got five times more money from these powerful players than did members who voted for Solomons' reforms.
Scrutinize all this clout in the new Lobby Watch.
Scrutinize all this clout in the new Lobby Watch.
Saturday, October 23, 2010
Bob Perry, Longtime G.O.P. Donor, Adds Millions - New York Times
On the occasion of a $7 million contribution to Karl Rove's American Crossroads group, The New York Times profiles Houston home builder Bob Perry, Texas' biggest campaign financier.
Read the article at the New York Times.
Read the article at the New York Times.
Friday, April 9, 2010
Bob Perry: Patron to All Republicans?
The Lubbock Avalanche-Journal reports that Houston home-builder Bob Perry is the top donor to each of the four candidates facing off against one another in runoffs for two house seats in the Lubbock area. Now there's a winning strategy for a big donor.
Read the article at Lubbock Online.
Read the article at Lubbock Online.
Wednesday, February 17, 2010
Lobby Watch:
Bob the Builder Invests in Judges
As Lemon-Home Trial Begins
As a new round of litigation in the decade-old Cull v. Perry Homes case heats up in a Fort Worth district court, TPJ revisits Bob Perry's judicial influence.
Read the full Lobby Watch.
Read the full Lobby Watch.
Sunday, March 29, 2009
NPR: Critics: Texas Agency Favors Builders Over Buyers
Imagine hundreds of executives from BP, Shell and Exxon Mobil rallying on the steps of the Capitol in Washington to save the Environmental Protection Agency. That may be hard to picture, but recently in Texas, 1,000 homebuilders rallied at the state Capitol in an effort to save the agency that theoretically regulates them. Read the article and listen to the news clip at NPR
Sunday, March 29, 2009
Imagine hundreds of executives from BP, Shell and Exxon Mobil rallying on the steps of the Capitol in Washington to save the Environmental Protection Agency.
That may be hard to picture, but recently in Texas, 1,000 homebuilders rallied at the state Capitol in an effort to save the agency that theoretically regulates them. Texas homebuilders are big fans of the job the Texas Residential Construction Commission has done since its inception five years ago. But after a backlash from homebuyers, who say the process is stacked in the builders' favor, state lawmakers are now considering whether to abolish it.
Out of 181 legislators, there are only six who don't take money from the Texas Association of Builders. So when the homebuilders come to Austin to lobby, the most powerful politicians in the state pay their respects.
After a welcome message from the governor, the rallying homebuilders fanned out to the offices of every legislator, bearing small gifts and a message: Save the Texas Residential Construction Commission.
View homebuilder contributions
to Texas officials.
"We're happy, you bet," says Ron Connally, a homebuilder and developer out of Amarillo who is also president of the Texas Association of Builders. "Court actions are way, way down because TRCC has taken care of a lot of those problems."
Process Can Be Costly And Prolonged
The TRCC was written into existence by a lawyer for Houston homebuilder Bob Perry, the most powerful and politically connected homebuilder in Texas. Perry's lawyer was then named the new housing agency's first commissioner by the Texas governor, who has taken hundreds of thousands of dollars in campaign contributions from the homebuilder.
Connally says when the GOP gained control of both houses of the Texas Legislature at the beginning of the decade, the homebuilders moved quickly.
"We were proactive," he says. "We didn't wait for the Legislature to bring some bill that would try to control or regulate the builders — we worked hand in hand with them."
The TRCC was designed to protect new homebuilders from frivolous lawsuits. Its mission is to provide an alternative state administrative process that resolves new homebuyer complaints before they go to arbitration. But two independent state reviews of the TRCC reported the commission routinely fails: For example, only 12 percent of homebuyer complaints were resolved. And half of the time, homebuyers' grievances were rejected outright by the TRCC's inspectors. The process takes up to 20 months and can cost the homebuyer thousands of dollars.
"Two state reports on TRCC have concluded that it is beholden to the building industry," says Tom Archer, the president of Homeowners of Texas, a nonprofit dedicated to residential construction reform.
Archer says that of the nine TRCC commissioners who review homeowner complaints, the homebuilders regularly get seven votes.
"In actuality, I think the number most would say would be eight out of nine," he says.
Staying Out Of Court
Archer says an even bigger problem with the TRCC is that the agency has no ability to discipline bad or even criminal builders. In Texas, there is no state licensing of builders, and builders of new homes are not required by law to disclose known defects, unlike sellers of existing homes.
Even if a builder is repeatedly negligent and deceptive, there's little the state can do about it. In five years of existence, the Texas Residential Construction Commission has revoked just one builder's registration. Archer says when it comes to protecting buyers of new homes, the Lone Star State is not exactly leading the pack.
"I would say we're dead last," he says. "I don't believe there's any state in the country where the homeowner is up against more obstacles and more impossible tasks in terms of getting relief than they face here in Texas."
The TRCC process is designed to keep new homebuyers out of court, where a state judge would hear the facts and rule. That's the way it used to be in Texas. But the executive director of the TRCC, Duane Waddill, believes his agency has been a big improvement over unreliable state judges.
"It ultimately came down to a judge hearing dueling experts and that judge had to make the decision, so it was very arbitrary and was left in the hands of that adjudicator," Waddill says. "What we provide through our inspection process is a neutral professional."
Waddill agrees that the TRCC needs to tweak how it handles homebuyer complaints. But he says the agency does a good job of serving the interests of both builders and new homebuyers.
"We want to do everything we can to make sure that people want to use our process," he says. "What we've seen in every review of ours has been that the agency is run well."
Complaints From Homebuyers
When the TRCC was first proposed in 2003, most Republicans in the Legislature supported it in the name of tort reform. But a steady stream of complaints has come out of the growing suburbs of Houston, San Antonio, Austin and Dallas. GOP legislators have been getting an earful from young, conservative, first-time homebuyers.
"I have a builder in my community that currently has 37 felony indictments against him — you know, over basic TRCC-type of issues," says state Rep. Dan Gattis, who represents the fastest-growing county in the state, just north of Austin.
Gattis says buyers of new homes in Texas, who are often first-time buyers, have to be better protected.
"When you're talking about the No. 1 investment asset vehicle that anybody owns, there ought to be some protections there to make sure that people are not being taken advantage of," Gattis says.
Gattis is sponsoring a bill that would abolish the TRCC. But the Texas Association of Builders intends to do everything it can to kill that bill and save its regulatory agency.
Critics: Texas Agency Favors Builders Over Buyers
by Wade Goodwyn, NPRSunday, March 29, 2009
Imagine hundreds of executives from BP, Shell and Exxon Mobil rallying on the steps of the Capitol in Washington to save the Environmental Protection Agency.
That may be hard to picture, but recently in Texas, 1,000 homebuilders rallied at the state Capitol in an effort to save the agency that theoretically regulates them. Texas homebuilders are big fans of the job the Texas Residential Construction Commission has done since its inception five years ago. But after a backlash from homebuyers, who say the process is stacked in the builders' favor, state lawmakers are now considering whether to abolish it.
Out of 181 legislators, there are only six who don't take money from the Texas Association of Builders. So when the homebuilders come to Austin to lobby, the most powerful politicians in the state pay their respects.After a welcome message from the governor, the rallying homebuilders fanned out to the offices of every legislator, bearing small gifts and a message: Save the Texas Residential Construction Commission.
View homebuilder contributionsto Texas officials.
"We're happy, you bet," says Ron Connally, a homebuilder and developer out of Amarillo who is also president of the Texas Association of Builders. "Court actions are way, way down because TRCC has taken care of a lot of those problems."
Process Can Be Costly And Prolonged
The TRCC was written into existence by a lawyer for Houston homebuilder Bob Perry, the most powerful and politically connected homebuilder in Texas. Perry's lawyer was then named the new housing agency's first commissioner by the Texas governor, who has taken hundreds of thousands of dollars in campaign contributions from the homebuilder.
Connally says when the GOP gained control of both houses of the Texas Legislature at the beginning of the decade, the homebuilders moved quickly.
"We were proactive," he says. "We didn't wait for the Legislature to bring some bill that would try to control or regulate the builders — we worked hand in hand with them."
The TRCC was designed to protect new homebuilders from frivolous lawsuits. Its mission is to provide an alternative state administrative process that resolves new homebuyer complaints before they go to arbitration. But two independent state reviews of the TRCC reported the commission routinely fails: For example, only 12 percent of homebuyer complaints were resolved. And half of the time, homebuyers' grievances were rejected outright by the TRCC's inspectors. The process takes up to 20 months and can cost the homebuyer thousands of dollars.
"Two state reports on TRCC have concluded that it is beholden to the building industry," says Tom Archer, the president of Homeowners of Texas, a nonprofit dedicated to residential construction reform.
Archer says that of the nine TRCC commissioners who review homeowner complaints, the homebuilders regularly get seven votes.
"In actuality, I think the number most would say would be eight out of nine," he says.
Staying Out Of Court
Archer says an even bigger problem with the TRCC is that the agency has no ability to discipline bad or even criminal builders. In Texas, there is no state licensing of builders, and builders of new homes are not required by law to disclose known defects, unlike sellers of existing homes.
Even if a builder is repeatedly negligent and deceptive, there's little the state can do about it. In five years of existence, the Texas Residential Construction Commission has revoked just one builder's registration. Archer says when it comes to protecting buyers of new homes, the Lone Star State is not exactly leading the pack.
"I would say we're dead last," he says. "I don't believe there's any state in the country where the homeowner is up against more obstacles and more impossible tasks in terms of getting relief than they face here in Texas."
The TRCC process is designed to keep new homebuyers out of court, where a state judge would hear the facts and rule. That's the way it used to be in Texas. But the executive director of the TRCC, Duane Waddill, believes his agency has been a big improvement over unreliable state judges.
"It ultimately came down to a judge hearing dueling experts and that judge had to make the decision, so it was very arbitrary and was left in the hands of that adjudicator," Waddill says. "What we provide through our inspection process is a neutral professional."
Waddill agrees that the TRCC needs to tweak how it handles homebuyer complaints. But he says the agency does a good job of serving the interests of both builders and new homebuyers.
"We want to do everything we can to make sure that people want to use our process," he says. "What we've seen in every review of ours has been that the agency is run well."
Complaints From Homebuyers
When the TRCC was first proposed in 2003, most Republicans in the Legislature supported it in the name of tort reform. But a steady stream of complaints has come out of the growing suburbs of Houston, San Antonio, Austin and Dallas. GOP legislators have been getting an earful from young, conservative, first-time homebuyers.
"I have a builder in my community that currently has 37 felony indictments against him — you know, over basic TRCC-type of issues," says state Rep. Dan Gattis, who represents the fastest-growing county in the state, just north of Austin.
Gattis says buyers of new homes in Texas, who are often first-time buyers, have to be better protected.
"When you're talking about the No. 1 investment asset vehicle that anybody owns, there ought to be some protections there to make sure that people are not being taken advantage of," Gattis says.
Gattis is sponsoring a bill that would abolish the TRCC. But the Texas Association of Builders intends to do everything it can to kill that bill and save its regulatory agency.
Saturday, March 28, 2009
NPR: Did Builder's Clout Trap Couple In Dream Home?
Bob and Jane Cull bought the home of their dreams in Texas. It was built by one of the most powerful and politically connected homebuilders in the country — and it was defective. Thus began a 13-year odyssey that would teach them some unhappy lessons about money, power and influence. Read the article and listen to the news clip at NPR
Saturday, March 28, 2009
Bob and Jane Cull bought the home of their dreams in Texas. It was built by one of the most powerful and politically connected homebuilders in the country — and it was defective. Thus began a 13-year odyssey that would teach them some unhappy lessons about money, power and influence.
Back in the early 1990s, the Culls decided they wanted to build the home where they'd retire and live out the remainder of their days. Although they didn't play, they wanted a lot on a golf course in a new development in the suburbs of Dallas.
"We actually spent about five years looking all around," Jane says. "We found a perfect lot. It was just a perfect place to call home."
So Bob and Jane Cull bought from one of the state's largest homebuilders. And before they knew it, they were playing with their grandchildren in their new living room with a tall ceiling that looked out over hole No. 2. And they lived happily ever after. For about six weeks.
"There were windows that you could not raise," Bob says, and "a roof support in the attic that fell away."
The Culls' new home was undergoing "foundation heave." The clay soil underneath was expanding and contracting like a sponge as it got wet and dried out. The edges of the foundation began lifting, and the wooden frame began to bow under the stress.
'You Win, And You Win And You Still Haven't Won'
"It's overwhelming," Jane says. "The process and the system and the years that fly by. The fact that you win, and you win, and you win, and you win and you still haven't won is totally unbelievable."
After two years of getting nowhere with their builder and warranty company, the Culls hired a structural engineer. To their chagrin, he said their house would either have to be torn down or put up on jacks, and piers driven into the bedrock. Either way, it was going to cost hundreds of thousands of dollars. The Culls hired a lawyer, and when their case went to arbitration, they were confident about the evidence.
"The only person in 12 years who has heard every bit of testimony, read all the depositions, the engineering reports and sat face-to-face with all parties for three days is the arbitrator," Bob Cull says.
The arbitrator sided with the Culls. Perry Homes was ordered to pay $800,000 in damages and retake ownership of the house. The Culls felt triumphant and vindicated. But they were about to discover that if your builder has the resources, binding arbitration isn't necessarily all that binding.
Political Ties In High Places
Seventy-six-year-old Bob Perry is one of Texas' most successful homebuilders. For the last two decades, he has used his $600 million fortune to fund the Republican revolution, both in Texas and nationally. He helped put George W. Bush into the White House. He was the Swift Boat Veterans For Truth's largest contributor. In Texas, if you hold a position of legislative, judicial or executive power, a Bob Perry donation is almost certainly in your campaign account.
After he lost in arbitration to the Culls, the builder began appealing the award through the state courts. Perry's appeals were rejected at each stop until he got to the Texas Supreme Court. And there, he got satisfaction.
"They overturn two lower courts and vacate an arbitration system — all for their biggest donor," argues Andrew Wheat.
Wheat is the research director of Texans for Public Justice, which tracks campaign contributions in Texas. Wheat says that since 2006, Bob Perry has contributed more than $21 million to political candidates and judges — including the nine Republican justices who make up the Texas Supreme Court.
"They all took money," Wheat says. "Not a single member of that court should have sat and heard a case involving Bob Perry Homes."
Six years after winning in arbitration, the Culls' $800,000 award was thrown out. In a 5-4 decision, the Court disallowed arbitration and sent the case back to the courts.
Anthony Holm, spokesperson for Bob Perry, defends the Texas Supreme Court's ruling and the justices' decision to sit and hear the case. He says that if the judges recused themselves every time a case involving a big donor was before them, they'd almost never hold court.
"Every single major law firm in Texas are huge donors to the Texas Supreme Court — and every other judicial candidate at every level in this state," Holm says.
The decision to throw out the arbitration award provoked an outcry from public interest groups and Texas newspapers. The ruling and Perry's money had tarnished the state's highest court with the appearance of impropriety, critics said. It's an allegation Perry's spokesperson dismisses.
"I mean, it's simply absurd," Holm says. "The situation is tragic and no one wants to be here, but all we have sought from day one is our day in court."
The Culls are trapped. They can't sell the house — it wouldn't pass inspection. They say they're not that kind of people anyway. It's now been 13 years, and to Jane and Bob Cull's amazement, inspectors hired by their builder are once again inside their house, drilling holes through their foundation. One arbitration and a half-dozen court rulings later, they are starting the process all over again.
April 1996
The Culls purchase a lot and sign a contract with Perry Homes to build a house in Mansfield, Texas.
October 1996
The Culls move into their new home on Walnut Creek Oaks golf course.
January 1997
The Culls write the first of 11 letters in 1997 alone to Perry Homes about home foundation movement and structural heaving.
July 1999
Warranty company Home of Texas takes over structural issues; agrees to cover foundation and roof framing system. In September, Perry Homes is named contractor for the warranty coverage.
June 2000
Perry Homes announces plan of repair complete.
July 2000
Realtor refuses to list Cull home for sale.
September 2000
Culls retain legal counsel.
November 2001
Culls seek arbitration.
December 2002
Arbitrator rules in favor of the Culls, awards $800,000 in compensatory and punitive damages, orders Perry Homes to retake ownership of house. Perry Homes appeals.
January 2004
District court confirms the arbitrator's award; Perry Homes appeals.
August 2005
Court of Appeals affirms trial court ruling in favor of Culls.
October 2005
Perry Homes appeals to the Texas Supreme Court.
May 2008
Texas Supreme Court sides with Perry Homes, returning the case to district court.
February 2009
Process begins anew.
Did Builder's Clout Trap Couple In Dream Home?
By Wade Goodwyn, NPRSaturday, March 28, 2009
Bob and Jane Cull bought the home of their dreams in Texas. It was built by one of the most powerful and politically connected homebuilders in the country — and it was defective. Thus began a 13-year odyssey that would teach them some unhappy lessons about money, power and influence.Back in the early 1990s, the Culls decided they wanted to build the home where they'd retire and live out the remainder of their days. Although they didn't play, they wanted a lot on a golf course in a new development in the suburbs of Dallas.
"We actually spent about five years looking all around," Jane says. "We found a perfect lot. It was just a perfect place to call home."
So Bob and Jane Cull bought from one of the state's largest homebuilders. And before they knew it, they were playing with their grandchildren in their new living room with a tall ceiling that looked out over hole No. 2. And they lived happily ever after. For about six weeks.
"There were windows that you could not raise," Bob says, and "a roof support in the attic that fell away."
The Culls' new home was undergoing "foundation heave." The clay soil underneath was expanding and contracting like a sponge as it got wet and dried out. The edges of the foundation began lifting, and the wooden frame began to bow under the stress.
'You Win, And You Win And You Still Haven't Won'
"It's overwhelming," Jane says. "The process and the system and the years that fly by. The fact that you win, and you win, and you win, and you win and you still haven't won is totally unbelievable."
After two years of getting nowhere with their builder and warranty company, the Culls hired a structural engineer. To their chagrin, he said their house would either have to be torn down or put up on jacks, and piers driven into the bedrock. Either way, it was going to cost hundreds of thousands of dollars. The Culls hired a lawyer, and when their case went to arbitration, they were confident about the evidence.
"The only person in 12 years who has heard every bit of testimony, read all the depositions, the engineering reports and sat face-to-face with all parties for three days is the arbitrator," Bob Cull says.
The arbitrator sided with the Culls. Perry Homes was ordered to pay $800,000 in damages and retake ownership of the house. The Culls felt triumphant and vindicated. But they were about to discover that if your builder has the resources, binding arbitration isn't necessarily all that binding.
Political Ties In High Places
Seventy-six-year-old Bob Perry is one of Texas' most successful homebuilders. For the last two decades, he has used his $600 million fortune to fund the Republican revolution, both in Texas and nationally. He helped put George W. Bush into the White House. He was the Swift Boat Veterans For Truth's largest contributor. In Texas, if you hold a position of legislative, judicial or executive power, a Bob Perry donation is almost certainly in your campaign account.
After he lost in arbitration to the Culls, the builder began appealing the award through the state courts. Perry's appeals were rejected at each stop until he got to the Texas Supreme Court. And there, he got satisfaction.
"They overturn two lower courts and vacate an arbitration system — all for their biggest donor," argues Andrew Wheat.
Wheat is the research director of Texans for Public Justice, which tracks campaign contributions in Texas. Wheat says that since 2006, Bob Perry has contributed more than $21 million to political candidates and judges — including the nine Republican justices who make up the Texas Supreme Court.
"They all took money," Wheat says. "Not a single member of that court should have sat and heard a case involving Bob Perry Homes."
Six years after winning in arbitration, the Culls' $800,000 award was thrown out. In a 5-4 decision, the Court disallowed arbitration and sent the case back to the courts.
Anthony Holm, spokesperson for Bob Perry, defends the Texas Supreme Court's ruling and the justices' decision to sit and hear the case. He says that if the judges recused themselves every time a case involving a big donor was before them, they'd almost never hold court.
"Every single major law firm in Texas are huge donors to the Texas Supreme Court — and every other judicial candidate at every level in this state," Holm says.
The decision to throw out the arbitration award provoked an outcry from public interest groups and Texas newspapers. The ruling and Perry's money had tarnished the state's highest court with the appearance of impropriety, critics said. It's an allegation Perry's spokesperson dismisses.
"I mean, it's simply absurd," Holm says. "The situation is tragic and no one wants to be here, but all we have sought from day one is our day in court."
The Culls are trapped. They can't sell the house — it wouldn't pass inspection. They say they're not that kind of people anyway. It's now been 13 years, and to Jane and Bob Cull's amazement, inspectors hired by their builder are once again inside their house, drilling holes through their foundation. One arbitration and a half-dozen court rulings later, they are starting the process all over again.
A Legal Odyssey
NPR.org, March 27, 2009 · Jane and Bob Cull's legal battle over their home has lasted 13 years. Here, a timeline of events, based on the Culls' records:April 1996
The Culls purchase a lot and sign a contract with Perry Homes to build a house in Mansfield, Texas.
October 1996
The Culls move into their new home on Walnut Creek Oaks golf course.
January 1997
The Culls write the first of 11 letters in 1997 alone to Perry Homes about home foundation movement and structural heaving.
July 1999
Warranty company Home of Texas takes over structural issues; agrees to cover foundation and roof framing system. In September, Perry Homes is named contractor for the warranty coverage.
June 2000
Perry Homes announces plan of repair complete.
July 2000
Realtor refuses to list Cull home for sale.
September 2000
Culls retain legal counsel.
November 2001
Culls seek arbitration.
December 2002
Arbitrator rules in favor of the Culls, awards $800,000 in compensatory and punitive damages, orders Perry Homes to retake ownership of house. Perry Homes appeals.
January 2004
District court confirms the arbitrator's award; Perry Homes appeals.
August 2005
Court of Appeals affirms trial court ruling in favor of Culls.
October 2005
Perry Homes appeals to the Texas Supreme Court.
May 2008
Texas Supreme Court sides with Perry Homes, returning the case to district court.
February 2009
Process begins anew.
Wednesday, November 19, 2008
Lobby Watch:
TRMPAC Donors Moved Another $2 Million To Craddick PACs
Since Tom Craddick became House Speaker in 2003—with a little help from his friends at Tom DeLay’s now-indicted Texans for a Republican Majority PAC (TRMPAC)—65 former TRMPAC donors have given almost $2 million to the two main PACs defending Craddick’s tenuous grasp on the Speaker’s gavel.
Read the Lobby Watch
Read the Lobby Watch
Wednesday, October 22, 2008
Homebuilder Bob Perry Continues Reign as King of Dirty Politics
Perry Pays for Racist Mailing In Key Texas House Contest
Defending his title as "King of Dirty Politics," Houston homebuilder Bob Perry just bankrolled a racist ad attacking Democratic candidate Joel Redmond, who is battling Republican Ken Legler for an open House seat representing the Pasadena area.
Houston Homebuilder Bob Perry
Austin: Defending his title as "King of Dirty Politics," Houston homebuilder Bob Perry just bankrolled a racist ad attacking Democratic candidate Joel Redmond, who is battling Republican Ken Legler for an open House seat representing the Pasadena area.
The mailed ad features a picture of Redmond, who is white, surrounded by photos of five minority lawmakers under the caption, "Bad company corrupts good character." The brown and black faces of Redmond's "bad company" are those of Sen. Barack Obama and Congresswoman Sheila Jackson Lee, as well as three state lawmakers: Sen. Mario Gallegos, and Reps. Harold Dutton and Garnett Coleman. All of these "bad" people are African American, except for Latino Sen. Gallegos.
The flip side of the mailer reproduces the same photos under the silhouettes of blackbirds and the headline, "Birds of a feather flock together." The mailer is sponsored by Empower Texans, which was founded by Midland oilman and Craddick ally Tim Dunn. Dunn recruited Michael Sullivan from James Leininger's Texas Public Policy Foundation to run Empower and its PAC. Empower PAC's most recent disclosure says that the PAC raised $56,000 since the end of June, with Bob Perry supplying $50,000 of that total.
Apart from being Texas' No. 1 individual political donor (moving more than $7 million to state committees and candidates in the 2006 election cycle), Perry established himself in recent years as the nation's top financier of dirty politics and attack ads.
Contributing $4.4 million, Perry was the No. 1 funder of Swift Boat Veterans for Truth's untruthful attacks on the military record of 2004 presidential candidate John Kerry. Since 2004, Perry has provided so-called "527 political groups" with millions of dollars for "push polls" and attack ads against Democratic congressional candidates. This includes:
View the Empower Texans ad
Houston Homebuilder Bob Perry
Continues Reign as King of Dirty Politics
| For Immediate Release: | For More Information Contact: |
| October 22, 2008 | Craig McDonald, 512-472-9770 |
Austin: Defending his title as "King of Dirty Politics," Houston homebuilder Bob Perry just bankrolled a racist ad attacking Democratic candidate Joel Redmond, who is battling Republican Ken Legler for an open House seat representing the Pasadena area.
The mailed ad features a picture of Redmond, who is white, surrounded by photos of five minority lawmakers under the caption, "Bad company corrupts good character." The brown and black faces of Redmond's "bad company" are those of Sen. Barack Obama and Congresswoman Sheila Jackson Lee, as well as three state lawmakers: Sen. Mario Gallegos, and Reps. Harold Dutton and Garnett Coleman. All of these "bad" people are African American, except for Latino Sen. Gallegos.
The flip side of the mailer reproduces the same photos under the silhouettes of blackbirds and the headline, "Birds of a feather flock together." The mailer is sponsored by Empower Texans, which was founded by Midland oilman and Craddick ally Tim Dunn. Dunn recruited Michael Sullivan from James Leininger's Texas Public Policy Foundation to run Empower and its PAC. Empower PAC's most recent disclosure says that the PAC raised $56,000 since the end of June, with Bob Perry supplying $50,000 of that total.
Apart from being Texas' No. 1 individual political donor (moving more than $7 million to state committees and candidates in the 2006 election cycle), Perry established himself in recent years as the nation's top financier of dirty politics and attack ads.
Contributing $4.4 million, Perry was the No. 1 funder of Swift Boat Veterans for Truth's untruthful attacks on the military record of 2004 presidential candidate John Kerry. Since 2004, Perry has provided so-called "527 political groups" with millions of dollars for "push polls" and attack ads against Democratic congressional candidates. This includes:
- $5 million for the Economic Freedom Fund, a 527 that unleashed attack ads and illegal push polls against seven Democratic congressional candidates in 2006.
- $3 million to Americans for Honesty on Issues, a 527 that ran 2006 ads that falsely claimed that Colorado Senate candidate Ed Purlmutter "sponsored legislation giving taxpayer money to illegal immigrants."
- $1 million to the Free Enterprise Fund (which had no other donor) for its infamous 2006 ad that presented itself as a trailer to the gay cowboy film "Brokeback Mountain." Noting Montana Democratic Senate Candidate Jon Tester's opposition to banning gay marriages, the ad closed with a cowboy drawling, "I guess Tester doesn't know how to quit taxin.'"
View the Empower Texans ad
Friday, August 29, 2008
KPRC 2 Houston: Local 2 Investigates Texas' Top Political Donor
Local 2 investigative reporter Amy Davis unmasked the top donor and explains why some say he's giving so much. "Bob Perry's automatic checkbook raises the eyebrows of what used to be high-rollers in Texas," said Craig McDonald of Texans for Public Justice, a non-profit policy and research organization, which tracks the influence of money in Texas politics. "He (Perry) is just off the charts."Watch the video or read the transcript at KPRC 2
August 29, 2008
KPRC Local 2 Houston
Local 2 investigative reporter Amy Davis unmasked the top donor and explains why some say he's giving so much.
Gov. Rick Perry and the top statewide elected officials in Texas have more than just politics in common. When it comes to padding their political campaigns, one man gives them far more than any other donor.
"Bob Perry's automatic checkbook raises the eyebrows of what used to be high-rollers in Texas," said Craig McDonald of Texans for Public Justice, a non-profit policy and research organization, which tracks the influence of money in Texas politics. "He (Perry) is just off the charts."
Bob Perry has become arguably the most influential political contributor in Texas. Perry lives in Nassau Bay and is the owner of Perry Homes, a homebuilder in neighborhoods across the state.
While Perry's donations are legal and part of the public record, his critics claim his "off the chart" spending is buying influence and even political favors. However, chances are you've never seen Bob Perry or ever heard him say a word about those donations.
Local 2 Investigates added up all of his Texas political cash.
* Since 2005, Perry has paid more than $9.7 million to candidates, office-holders and political committees across Texas.
* He was Gov. Rick Perry's top donor. Bob Perry donated more than $380,000 to Rick Perry's campaign during the last election and gave another $30,000 in 2007.
* Bob Perry is also the top donor to Lt. Gov. David Dewhurst -- donating $335,000 during the 2006 general election. Perry gave a total of $125,000 in 2007 and 2008.
* Bob Perry is the top donor to Attorney General Greg Abbott -- donating more than $320,000 during the 2006 general election. Perry has given another $30,000 since.
* Bob Perry donated $250,000 to State Comptroller Susan Combs during the 2006 general election. That was four times more than any other donor. Perry has given another $30,000 since.
* In fact, Perry was also the top donor to 26 state representatives and senators in the last major election. That accounts for around 15 percent of all Texas lawmakers.
* While Perry primarily gives to Republicans, he also gives to many Democrats, especially in Houston.
You may remember Perry was also the initial contributor to "Swift Boat Veterans for Truth." The group put out political ads against John Kerry during his presidential bid in 2004.
"Bob Perry may be reclusive, but his money speaks for him," said McDonald. "He has a team of lobbyists that pursue the policy interests he wants in the state of Texas."
McDonald claims Perry spends millions in part to keep government regulation out of his business and to help keep his home-buying customers from suing his company.
"People would say he's the only individual who could afford his own state agency," said McDonald. "They say his political donations actually resulted in the creation of the Texas Residential Construction Commission."
The commission was advertised as giving customers a place to sort out problems with faulty builders before going to court. Just last week, a sunset advisory committee recommended shutting down the commission.
"It (TRCC) has been a failure. It really supports the home building industry and doesn't support consumers," Mc Donald said.
"Millions of Texans vote and millions of Texans are donors," argued Anthony Holm, a spokesman for Bob Perry. "There isn't an opportunity for a single person to have the impact."
Holm is the closest we or anyone else can get to interviewing Bob Perry. Perry does not do interviews. Holm says Perry receives too many requests from the media.
"Why does Bob Perry give so much money?" asks Davis.
"Bob Perry spends every day trying to better society through charitable concerns and certainly helping to create a better government," Holm answered. "These are important causes. He's a patriot."
Holm describes Perry as humble and says Perry gives to candidates who have what he calls "Texas" values. Holm tells us Perry doesn't want his millions in donations to make him a public figure.
Critics like McDonald say those millions limit your influence at the capitol.
"When Bob Perry's checkbook drowns out the voices of other Texans, we lose our voice," said McDonald.
Local 2 Investigates quickly found out Perry isn't the only one who's tight-lipped about the generous donations.
We requested an interview with the governor, lieutenant governor, attorney general and state comptroller. We gave each of them a full month to respond. Each of those elected officials declined to talk with us about their biggest donor -- Bob Perry.
We finally tracked down Attorney General Greg Abbott at an Austin news conference on an unrelated subject.
"How much you could tell us about your top contributor Bob Perry?" asked Davis.
"Well, what I can tell you about Bob Perry is that I've met few people in this country who care more about the country and state they live in and about ensuring the integrity of the state and of it's legal system," said Abbott. "I can also tell you Bob Perry has never asked me for anything."
Comptroller Susan Combs later sent this statement: "Bob Perry is a legendary Texas entrepreneur. He has a long record of participation in the political process on the national and state levels. He has a strong belief in good, solid, conservative government."
Local 2 Investigates has not received any response from Gov. Perry or Lt. Gov. Dewhurst.
The state ethics commission has a searchable database to track all political donations.
You can track all donations at www.ethics.state.tx.us/main/search.htm.
If you have a news tip or question for KPRC Local 2 Investigates, drop them an e-mail or call their tipline at (713) 223-TIPS (8477).
Local 2 Investigates Texas' Top Political Donor
August 29, 2008
KPRC Local 2 Houston
Local 2 investigative reporter Amy Davis unmasked the top donor and explains why some say he's giving so much.
Gov. Rick Perry and the top statewide elected officials in Texas have more than just politics in common. When it comes to padding their political campaigns, one man gives them far more than any other donor.
"Bob Perry's automatic checkbook raises the eyebrows of what used to be high-rollers in Texas," said Craig McDonald of Texans for Public Justice, a non-profit policy and research organization, which tracks the influence of money in Texas politics. "He (Perry) is just off the charts."
Bob Perry has become arguably the most influential political contributor in Texas. Perry lives in Nassau Bay and is the owner of Perry Homes, a homebuilder in neighborhoods across the state.
While Perry's donations are legal and part of the public record, his critics claim his "off the chart" spending is buying influence and even political favors. However, chances are you've never seen Bob Perry or ever heard him say a word about those donations.
Local 2 Investigates added up all of his Texas political cash.
* Since 2005, Perry has paid more than $9.7 million to candidates, office-holders and political committees across Texas.
* He was Gov. Rick Perry's top donor. Bob Perry donated more than $380,000 to Rick Perry's campaign during the last election and gave another $30,000 in 2007.
* Bob Perry is also the top donor to Lt. Gov. David Dewhurst -- donating $335,000 during the 2006 general election. Perry gave a total of $125,000 in 2007 and 2008.
* Bob Perry is the top donor to Attorney General Greg Abbott -- donating more than $320,000 during the 2006 general election. Perry has given another $30,000 since.
* Bob Perry donated $250,000 to State Comptroller Susan Combs during the 2006 general election. That was four times more than any other donor. Perry has given another $30,000 since.
* In fact, Perry was also the top donor to 26 state representatives and senators in the last major election. That accounts for around 15 percent of all Texas lawmakers.
* While Perry primarily gives to Republicans, he also gives to many Democrats, especially in Houston.
You may remember Perry was also the initial contributor to "Swift Boat Veterans for Truth." The group put out political ads against John Kerry during his presidential bid in 2004.
"Bob Perry may be reclusive, but his money speaks for him," said McDonald. "He has a team of lobbyists that pursue the policy interests he wants in the state of Texas."
McDonald claims Perry spends millions in part to keep government regulation out of his business and to help keep his home-buying customers from suing his company.
"People would say he's the only individual who could afford his own state agency," said McDonald. "They say his political donations actually resulted in the creation of the Texas Residential Construction Commission."
The commission was advertised as giving customers a place to sort out problems with faulty builders before going to court. Just last week, a sunset advisory committee recommended shutting down the commission.
"It (TRCC) has been a failure. It really supports the home building industry and doesn't support consumers," Mc Donald said.
"Millions of Texans vote and millions of Texans are donors," argued Anthony Holm, a spokesman for Bob Perry. "There isn't an opportunity for a single person to have the impact."
Holm is the closest we or anyone else can get to interviewing Bob Perry. Perry does not do interviews. Holm says Perry receives too many requests from the media.
"Why does Bob Perry give so much money?" asks Davis.
"Bob Perry spends every day trying to better society through charitable concerns and certainly helping to create a better government," Holm answered. "These are important causes. He's a patriot."
Holm describes Perry as humble and says Perry gives to candidates who have what he calls "Texas" values. Holm tells us Perry doesn't want his millions in donations to make him a public figure.
Critics like McDonald say those millions limit your influence at the capitol.
"When Bob Perry's checkbook drowns out the voices of other Texans, we lose our voice," said McDonald.
Local 2 Investigates quickly found out Perry isn't the only one who's tight-lipped about the generous donations.
We requested an interview with the governor, lieutenant governor, attorney general and state comptroller. We gave each of them a full month to respond. Each of those elected officials declined to talk with us about their biggest donor -- Bob Perry.
We finally tracked down Attorney General Greg Abbott at an Austin news conference on an unrelated subject.
"How much you could tell us about your top contributor Bob Perry?" asked Davis.
"Well, what I can tell you about Bob Perry is that I've met few people in this country who care more about the country and state they live in and about ensuring the integrity of the state and of it's legal system," said Abbott. "I can also tell you Bob Perry has never asked me for anything."
Comptroller Susan Combs later sent this statement: "Bob Perry is a legendary Texas entrepreneur. He has a long record of participation in the political process on the national and state levels. He has a strong belief in good, solid, conservative government."
Local 2 Investigates has not received any response from Gov. Perry or Lt. Gov. Dewhurst.
The state ethics commission has a searchable database to track all political donations.
You can track all donations at www.ethics.state.tx.us/main/search.htm.
If you have a news tip or question for KPRC Local 2 Investigates, drop them an e-mail or call their tipline at (713) 223-TIPS (8477).
Friday, May 9, 2008
Dallas Morning News Editorial: Texas courts' credibility problem
The reputation of our state's judiciary has been tarnished for years. Nothing underscores this point better than the May 2 Texas Supreme Court decision favoring Perry Homes over homeowners Jane and Robert Cull. But what isn't debatable is that the founder of Perry Homes, Bob Perry, is a major donor to the campaigns of the Supreme Court's justices. He, his family and their political action committees have donated more than $250,000 to the nine justices - all Republicans - including those who dissented in the Cull case. Read the editorial at the Dallas Morning News
Friday, May 9, 2008
Dallas Morning News
The reputation of our state's judiciary has been tarnished for years. As then-state Supreme Court Chief Justice Thomas Phillips told the Legislature all the way back in 2001, when judges owe their jobs to an electoral system dominated by political parties and big campaign donors, their judicial objectivity comes into question.
Nothing underscores this point better than the May 2 Texas Supreme Court decision favoring Perry Homes over homeowners Jane and Robert Cull. The court's decision, overturning two lower courts' rulings to compensate the Culls for a defective home, probably will be debated for years.
But what isn't debatable is that the founder of Perry Homes, Bob Perry, is a major donor to the campaigns of the Supreme Court's justices. He, his family and their political action committees have donated more than $250,000 to the nine justices - all Republicans - including those who dissented in the Cull case.
The justices may have used flawless legal analysis in ruling against the Culls. That's not the point. In the public's eye, their decision is tainted by the fact that they owe their elected positions, at least in part, to Mr. Perry.
He isn't the only big donor with business before the court. Texas trial lawyers who argue directly before the justices also have been huge contributors.
And to add to the credibility problem, three Supreme Court justices are fending off allegations that they abused their campaign funds. And a report yesterday by the judicial watchdog group Texas Watch criticized the court for relying too heavily on anonymous opinions, which effectively reduces the panel's public accountability.
The method of electing Texas judges - from the Supreme Court all the way down - is badly in need of modernization. Campaign donations from special interests should have no place in an independent judiciary.
The state needs a system in which the governor appoints judicial nominees by merit, with Senate confirmation, and voters regularly decide whether or not to retain them. That would help remove partisan politics and make court decisions less suspect.
That's one of several options put forth by Mr. Phillips in 2001. His argument made sense then, and it's no less valid today.
Editorial: Texas courts' credibility problem
Friday, May 9, 2008
Dallas Morning News
The reputation of our state's judiciary has been tarnished for years. As then-state Supreme Court Chief Justice Thomas Phillips told the Legislature all the way back in 2001, when judges owe their jobs to an electoral system dominated by political parties and big campaign donors, their judicial objectivity comes into question.
Nothing underscores this point better than the May 2 Texas Supreme Court decision favoring Perry Homes over homeowners Jane and Robert Cull. The court's decision, overturning two lower courts' rulings to compensate the Culls for a defective home, probably will be debated for years.
But what isn't debatable is that the founder of Perry Homes, Bob Perry, is a major donor to the campaigns of the Supreme Court's justices. He, his family and their political action committees have donated more than $250,000 to the nine justices - all Republicans - including those who dissented in the Cull case.
The justices may have used flawless legal analysis in ruling against the Culls. That's not the point. In the public's eye, their decision is tainted by the fact that they owe their elected positions, at least in part, to Mr. Perry.
He isn't the only big donor with business before the court. Texas trial lawyers who argue directly before the justices also have been huge contributors.
And to add to the credibility problem, three Supreme Court justices are fending off allegations that they abused their campaign funds. And a report yesterday by the judicial watchdog group Texas Watch criticized the court for relying too heavily on anonymous opinions, which effectively reduces the panel's public accountability.
The method of electing Texas judges - from the Supreme Court all the way down - is badly in need of modernization. Campaign donations from special interests should have no place in an independent judiciary.
The state needs a system in which the governor appoints judicial nominees by merit, with Senate confirmation, and voters regularly decide whether or not to retain them. That would help remove partisan politics and make court decisions less suspect.
That's one of several options put forth by Mr. Phillips in 2001. His argument made sense then, and it's no less valid today.
Tuesday, May 6, 2008
Austin American-Statesman: Donors shouldn't tip scales of justice
Homebuilder Bob Perry has given millions of dollars to state and national political campaigns and candidates, including all nine members of the Texas Supreme Court. Perry hit the jackpot late last week as a divided Supreme Court ruled in favor of his company, Perry Homes, in an $800,000 arbitration case. Perry and his family have donated more than $260,000 to the justices. Read the editorial at the Austin American-Statesman
The Editorial Board| Tuesday, May 6, 2008
Austin American-Statesman
Retired U.S. Supreme Court Justice Sandra Day O’Connor has railed about state courts being corrupted by large campaign contributions to elected judges. In her next speech about the influence of cash in the courtrooms, she will have a perfect example from Texas.
Homebuilder Bob Perry has given millions of dollars to state and national political campaigns and candidates, including all nine members of the Texas Supreme Court. Perry hit the jackpot late last week as a divided Supreme Court ruled in favor of his company, Perry Homes, in an $800,000 arbitration case. Perry and his family have donated more than $260,000 to the justices.
The court decided against Bob and Jane Cull, who bought a defective home from Perry’s company in 1996. When Perry Homes refused to fix the problems, the Culls sued. Later, they agreed to arbitration and were awarded $800,000.
Perry Homes challenged the award but lost in state district court and lost again on appeal. But in a 5-4 decision, the state Supreme Court overturned the arbitrator’s ruling. A narrow court majority ruled that the Culls benefited by suing first then later filing for arbitration. In a ruling last year, the court said aggrieved homebuyers should go to arbitration.
It is impossible not to be cynical about the poisonous effect of money on justice. Texas is one of only a handful of states that elects its top judges, although 39 states elect at least some of them and judicial races are attracting huge sums everywhere.
The influence of money on the judiciary has long been a problem in Texas. When CBS reported on “Justice for Sale” in 1987, it was the trial lawyers in Texas who made the large donations and reaped the results in favorable decisions. Today, it’s big business - insurance companies, builders and health care providers - but the resulting cynicism is the same.
When thousands of dollars are flowing to judicial candidates, their fairness and impartiality are in doubt. And a ruling like the one favoring a huge donor like Perry undermines the ideal of judicial integrity, even if the decision is on sound legal footing.
Texas isn’t alone in harboring a supreme court that appears to favor special interests. The West Virginia Supreme Court threw out a $50 million judgment against a coal company whose chief executive vacationed in Europe with the court’s chief justice. In a rehearing, the chief justice recused himself, but the decision stood on a 3-2 vote. The deciding justice refused to recuse himself though he had received more than $3 million from the coal company’s executive.
Texas has made only half-hearted attempts to limit the influence of big donors, special interest groups and law firms with clients before the court. It hasn’t worked, and Texas should abandon its practice of having judges run partisan races while accepting campaign money from those with interests before the courts.
Even if the system hasn’t bred actual corruption, it has fed the appearance of it, and that’s just as damaging to the reputation of our judiciary.
If Texas isn’t going to move away from electing judges, it should at least require judges who take large political donations to recuse themselves from cases involving the donors. That simple solution ought to curb self-interested contributors and possibly restore a sense of integrity to state courts.
Donors shouldn't tip scales of justice
The Editorial Board| Tuesday, May 6, 2008
Austin American-Statesman
Retired U.S. Supreme Court Justice Sandra Day O’Connor has railed about state courts being corrupted by large campaign contributions to elected judges. In her next speech about the influence of cash in the courtrooms, she will have a perfect example from Texas.
Homebuilder Bob Perry has given millions of dollars to state and national political campaigns and candidates, including all nine members of the Texas Supreme Court. Perry hit the jackpot late last week as a divided Supreme Court ruled in favor of his company, Perry Homes, in an $800,000 arbitration case. Perry and his family have donated more than $260,000 to the justices.
The court decided against Bob and Jane Cull, who bought a defective home from Perry’s company in 1996. When Perry Homes refused to fix the problems, the Culls sued. Later, they agreed to arbitration and were awarded $800,000.
Perry Homes challenged the award but lost in state district court and lost again on appeal. But in a 5-4 decision, the state Supreme Court overturned the arbitrator’s ruling. A narrow court majority ruled that the Culls benefited by suing first then later filing for arbitration. In a ruling last year, the court said aggrieved homebuyers should go to arbitration.
It is impossible not to be cynical about the poisonous effect of money on justice. Texas is one of only a handful of states that elects its top judges, although 39 states elect at least some of them and judicial races are attracting huge sums everywhere.
The influence of money on the judiciary has long been a problem in Texas. When CBS reported on “Justice for Sale” in 1987, it was the trial lawyers in Texas who made the large donations and reaped the results in favorable decisions. Today, it’s big business - insurance companies, builders and health care providers - but the resulting cynicism is the same.
When thousands of dollars are flowing to judicial candidates, their fairness and impartiality are in doubt. And a ruling like the one favoring a huge donor like Perry undermines the ideal of judicial integrity, even if the decision is on sound legal footing.
Texas isn’t alone in harboring a supreme court that appears to favor special interests. The West Virginia Supreme Court threw out a $50 million judgment against a coal company whose chief executive vacationed in Europe with the court’s chief justice. In a rehearing, the chief justice recused himself, but the decision stood on a 3-2 vote. The deciding justice refused to recuse himself though he had received more than $3 million from the coal company’s executive.
Texas has made only half-hearted attempts to limit the influence of big donors, special interest groups and law firms with clients before the court. It hasn’t worked, and Texas should abandon its practice of having judges run partisan races while accepting campaign money from those with interests before the courts.
Even if the system hasn’t bred actual corruption, it has fed the appearance of it, and that’s just as damaging to the reputation of our judiciary.
If Texas isn’t going to move away from electing judges, it should at least require judges who take large political donations to recuse themselves from cases involving the donors. That simple solution ought to curb self-interested contributors and possibly restore a sense of integrity to state courts.
Friday, May 2, 2008
Justices Rule For No. 1 Individual Campaign Donor; Perry Homes Decision Overturns Two Lower Courts
In Perry Homes V. Robert Cull Texas Supreme Court justices today overturned two lower courts to rule for their No. 1 Individual Donor: Perry Homes founder Bob Perry. Notably, no justices recused themselves from this case involving a major donor. Read More
Tuesday, January 29, 2008
Austin American-Statesman: Noriega gave to charity on John Kerry's advice, but would still like GOP donor's support
State Rep. Rick Noriega of Houston, a Democratic U.S. Senate candidate, says he donated $8,000 in political funds to charity last month to address heartburn in the Democratic establishment over a reported $9,500 in donations that his House campaigns accepted over the years from Houston home builder Bob Perry. "I'd hope to have Mr. Perry's help during the general election," Noriega said. Read the article at the Austin American-Statesman
By W. Gardner Selby
AMERICAN-STATESMAN STAFF
Tuesday, January 29, 2008
State Rep. Rick Noriega of Houston, a Democratic U.S. Senate candidate, says he donated $8,000 in political funds to charity last month to address heartburn in the Democratic establishment over a reported $9,500 in donations that his House campaigns accepted over the years from Houston home builder Bob Perry.
Perry, who gives to many causes but puts most of his political contributions into Republican coffers, is known nationally for helping pay for the so-called Swift Boat commercials that attacked Democratic presidential nominee John Kerry in 2004.
Still, Noriega, a fifth-term House member, said that he would welcome Perry's support in his current bid to unseat U.S. Sen. John Cornyn, R-Texas. In the Democratic primary, Noriega faces Corpus Christi teacher Ray McMurrey, who has questioned Noriega's acceptance of donations from Perry, and perennial candidates Rhett Smith of San Antonio and Gene Kelly of Universal City.
"I'd hope to have Mr. Perry's help during the general election," Noriega said.
Perry spokesman Anthony Holm said such support will not be forthcoming from the builder, whom Holm called a staunch Cornyn supporter.
Like Noriega, other Democratic officeholders might be balancing the pressures of campaign fundraising against the risk that Democratic opponents will cast donations from Perry in a negative light. Challengers to at least three Democratic Texas House members — Dawnna Dukes of Austin, Kino Flores of Palmview and Aaron Peña of Edinburg — have brought up campaign money that they have each fielded from Perry.
Dukes, Flores and Peña said Monday that they had never met or talked to Perry or taken his direction on an issue.
Dukes said, "Campaigns cost a lot of money, and when your opponent continues to make negative attacks, you have to raise and spend a lot of money to counter their mistruths."
Flores said Perry is nothing more than a home builder to him. "There's no taint to him in my campaign," he said.
Peña said he won't take money from noncitizens or corporations, which would be illegal. Otherwise, he said, campaigns are war: "When you're in the middle of a war, someone hands you bullets, you take them and use them."
Texans for Public Justice, which tracks campaign fundraising and expenditures, favors passage of a law limiting contributors to donations of no more than $100,000 total to all candidates for state office and state political committees per election cycle.
Perry gave nearly $7 million to state candidates and political committees in the 2006 election cycle, according to Texans for Public Justice. More than 90 percent of his donations to 146 state candidates went to Republicans. In 2007, Perry gave money to nearly 30 members of the Texas House and Senate, most of them Republican, according to Texas Ethics Commission records.
Craig McDonald, Texans for Public Justice's director, said Perry's donations are "slowly becoming more and more toxic to Democrats," perhaps, he said, because some Democrats getting Perry's money voted to elect Tom Craddick, R-Midland, as House speaker. "In politics," McDonald said, "you're often judged by who your friends are. You can get scorched by being close to Bob Perry."
But Democratic strategist Kelly Fero, said voters shouldn't judge Perry's donations the same way in all cases because in some campaigns, his money has not made a substantial difference. Fero suggested that Noriega's charitable donations and his desire for Perry's future support might reflect a deliberately mixed message.
"He wants to assure activists who do have heartburn over" Perry's past donations, Fero said. "And he wants to assure the donor who gave the money in the first place that he hopes to get more."
In an interview, Noriega said he donated the money from his state political account on the advice of Kerry, whom he visited in Washington in October. On Monday, Kerry referred to Noriega's role as a lieutenant colonel in the Texas Army National Guard by calling him a veteran "who believes Swift Boat Republican money has no place in American politics."
Holm, Perry's spokesman, said, "Generally, attacks on Perry's political donations are a "disservice to an incredibly charitable individual and the candidates who are running. It is simply an example of the politics of personal destruction by the left."
wgselby@statesman.com, 445-3644
Noriega agrees to debate
Rick Noriega and Ray McMurrey, two Democratic U.S. Senate candidates, have agreed to debate Feb. 13 in Austin, their campaigns said. The location has not been determined, said Trey McAtee, a member of Keep Austin Blue, a group that intends to host the debate.
McMurrey had asked for a debate, but Noriega's campaign initially resisted.
Noriega gave to charity on John Kerry's advice, but would still like GOP donor's support
Bob Perry of Houston intends to stick with Sen. Cornyn, spokesman says.By W. Gardner Selby
AMERICAN-STATESMAN STAFF
Tuesday, January 29, 2008
State Rep. Rick Noriega of Houston, a Democratic U.S. Senate candidate, says he donated $8,000 in political funds to charity last month to address heartburn in the Democratic establishment over a reported $9,500 in donations that his House campaigns accepted over the years from Houston home builder Bob Perry.
Perry, who gives to many causes but puts most of his political contributions into Republican coffers, is known nationally for helping pay for the so-called Swift Boat commercials that attacked Democratic presidential nominee John Kerry in 2004.
Still, Noriega, a fifth-term House member, said that he would welcome Perry's support in his current bid to unseat U.S. Sen. John Cornyn, R-Texas. In the Democratic primary, Noriega faces Corpus Christi teacher Ray McMurrey, who has questioned Noriega's acceptance of donations from Perry, and perennial candidates Rhett Smith of San Antonio and Gene Kelly of Universal City.
"I'd hope to have Mr. Perry's help during the general election," Noriega said.
Perry spokesman Anthony Holm said such support will not be forthcoming from the builder, whom Holm called a staunch Cornyn supporter.
Like Noriega, other Democratic officeholders might be balancing the pressures of campaign fundraising against the risk that Democratic opponents will cast donations from Perry in a negative light. Challengers to at least three Democratic Texas House members — Dawnna Dukes of Austin, Kino Flores of Palmview and Aaron Peña of Edinburg — have brought up campaign money that they have each fielded from Perry.
Dukes, Flores and Peña said Monday that they had never met or talked to Perry or taken his direction on an issue.
Dukes said, "Campaigns cost a lot of money, and when your opponent continues to make negative attacks, you have to raise and spend a lot of money to counter their mistruths."
Flores said Perry is nothing more than a home builder to him. "There's no taint to him in my campaign," he said.
Peña said he won't take money from noncitizens or corporations, which would be illegal. Otherwise, he said, campaigns are war: "When you're in the middle of a war, someone hands you bullets, you take them and use them."
Texans for Public Justice, which tracks campaign fundraising and expenditures, favors passage of a law limiting contributors to donations of no more than $100,000 total to all candidates for state office and state political committees per election cycle.
Perry gave nearly $7 million to state candidates and political committees in the 2006 election cycle, according to Texans for Public Justice. More than 90 percent of his donations to 146 state candidates went to Republicans. In 2007, Perry gave money to nearly 30 members of the Texas House and Senate, most of them Republican, according to Texas Ethics Commission records.
Craig McDonald, Texans for Public Justice's director, said Perry's donations are "slowly becoming more and more toxic to Democrats," perhaps, he said, because some Democrats getting Perry's money voted to elect Tom Craddick, R-Midland, as House speaker. "In politics," McDonald said, "you're often judged by who your friends are. You can get scorched by being close to Bob Perry."
But Democratic strategist Kelly Fero, said voters shouldn't judge Perry's donations the same way in all cases because in some campaigns, his money has not made a substantial difference. Fero suggested that Noriega's charitable donations and his desire for Perry's future support might reflect a deliberately mixed message.
"He wants to assure activists who do have heartburn over" Perry's past donations, Fero said. "And he wants to assure the donor who gave the money in the first place that he hopes to get more."
In an interview, Noriega said he donated the money from his state political account on the advice of Kerry, whom he visited in Washington in October. On Monday, Kerry referred to Noriega's role as a lieutenant colonel in the Texas Army National Guard by calling him a veteran "who believes Swift Boat Republican money has no place in American politics."
Holm, Perry's spokesman, said, "Generally, attacks on Perry's political donations are a "disservice to an incredibly charitable individual and the candidates who are running. It is simply an example of the politics of personal destruction by the left."
wgselby@statesman.com, 445-3644
Noriega agrees to debate
Rick Noriega and Ray McMurrey, two Democratic U.S. Senate candidates, have agreed to debate Feb. 13 in Austin, their campaigns said. The location has not been determined, said Trey McAtee, a member of Keep Austin Blue, a group that intends to host the debate.
McMurrey had asked for a debate, but Noriega's campaign initially resisted.
Tuesday, October 30, 2007
Lobby Watch:
A Bob-Perry Conduit Arms “Craddick D’s”
A third of the $90,764 in PAC expenditures reported last month by a lobby firm close to embattled Speaker Tom Craddick went to three of the 15 “Craddick D’s.” After these 15 House Democrats helped the Midland Republican retain his Speaker title in January—Craddick rewarded them with plum committee assignments.
Read the Lobby Watch
Read the Lobby Watch
Thursday, April 19, 2007
Lobby Watch:
54 More Rich Donors Join the ‘$100,000 Club’
During the recent 2006 election 140 wealthy individuals donated more than $100,000 apiece to Texas state PACs and candidates. This is up 63 percent from the 86 individuals who cleared $100,000 in 2004.
Read the Lobby Watch
Read the Lobby Watch
Friday, March 23, 2007
Daily Texan: Bob Perry's bought justice
Bob Perry hemorrhages money for Texas politics. During last year's election cycle alone, the Texas home-builder dropped more than $6.7 million to candidates and political action committees in the state. He gave Gov. Rick Perry (no relation) $380,000 during the same period. So it's not surprising to see that this sugar daddy wants a few favors in return. Right now, he's asking the Texas Supreme Court to help save his company, Perry Homes, more than $1 million.
March 23, 2007
Bob Perry hemorrhages money for Texas politics. During last year's election cycle alone, the Texas home-builder dropped more than $6.7 million to candidates and political action committees in the state. He gave Gov. Rick Perry (no relation) $380,000 during the same period.
So it's not surprising to see that this sugar daddy wants a few favors in return. Right now, he's asking the Texas Supreme Court to help save his company, Perry Homes, more than $1 million.
When Bob and Jane Culls' Perry home began to show defects - an unstable foundation, cracks in the wall - the North Texas couple began writing letters to Perry, demanding repairs. After more than three years without a satisfactory response, the Culls sued Perry Homes in 2000, demanding action. Concerned with the possibility of a drawn-out legal battle, the couple moved to arbitration, which Perry initially fought. But a district judge, appeals court and even the Texas Supreme Court sided with the Culls and said the case should go to arbitration.
In 2002, an arbitrator ordered Perry Homes to pay the couple $800,000. Perry's lawyers said the judgement was biased but lost the appeal to a district judge and an appeals court. Now Perry is hoping the Texas Supreme Court, which heard arguments on the case Tuesday, will bail his company out of the settlement - now worth more than $1 million after interest. The Culls have yet to see a dime.
What makes the case so obscene is that Perry has individually contributed more than $94,750 to the Supreme Court's sitting justices, according to Texans for Public Justice. Texas judges are elected and are allowed to raise campaign contributions.
Two major political action committees Perry supports have also given more than $248,000 to the sitting justices. One PAC, Hillco, has given the justices $95,000. Another, Texans for Lawsuit Reform, has given the justices more than $153,000. For the 2006 election cycle, Perry provided 61 percent of Hillco's money raised and about 15 percent of what TLR raised. In essence, Perry has funneled more than $175,000 in campaign contributions to the current justices.
It could get even more interesting. Justice Nathan Hecht, who fought a judicial conduct sanction for his vocal support of Harriet Miers' failed bid for the U.S. Supreme Court in 2005, recently raised more than $340,000 in contributions to cover personal legal fees. Hecht is not required to disclose who gave him that money until July, but if history is any indicator - Bob Perry gave Bill Ceverha two $50,000 checks in 2004 and 2005 to cover his legal defense, after Ceverha was forced to defend his activity as treasurer for Tom DeLay's crooked TRMPAC - Perry may well have written Hecht a fat check for the justice's legal defense.
The fact that Texas' high court heard this appeal is perverted enough. If the court indeed rules in Perry's favor, we'll know just how sold-out justice has become in our state.
Bob Perry's bought justice
Daily Texan EditorialMarch 23, 2007
Bob Perry hemorrhages money for Texas politics. During last year's election cycle alone, the Texas home-builder dropped more than $6.7 million to candidates and political action committees in the state. He gave Gov. Rick Perry (no relation) $380,000 during the same period.
So it's not surprising to see that this sugar daddy wants a few favors in return. Right now, he's asking the Texas Supreme Court to help save his company, Perry Homes, more than $1 million.
When Bob and Jane Culls' Perry home began to show defects - an unstable foundation, cracks in the wall - the North Texas couple began writing letters to Perry, demanding repairs. After more than three years without a satisfactory response, the Culls sued Perry Homes in 2000, demanding action. Concerned with the possibility of a drawn-out legal battle, the couple moved to arbitration, which Perry initially fought. But a district judge, appeals court and even the Texas Supreme Court sided with the Culls and said the case should go to arbitration.
In 2002, an arbitrator ordered Perry Homes to pay the couple $800,000. Perry's lawyers said the judgement was biased but lost the appeal to a district judge and an appeals court. Now Perry is hoping the Texas Supreme Court, which heard arguments on the case Tuesday, will bail his company out of the settlement - now worth more than $1 million after interest. The Culls have yet to see a dime.
What makes the case so obscene is that Perry has individually contributed more than $94,750 to the Supreme Court's sitting justices, according to Texans for Public Justice. Texas judges are elected and are allowed to raise campaign contributions.
Two major political action committees Perry supports have also given more than $248,000 to the sitting justices. One PAC, Hillco, has given the justices $95,000. Another, Texans for Lawsuit Reform, has given the justices more than $153,000. For the 2006 election cycle, Perry provided 61 percent of Hillco's money raised and about 15 percent of what TLR raised. In essence, Perry has funneled more than $175,000 in campaign contributions to the current justices.
It could get even more interesting. Justice Nathan Hecht, who fought a judicial conduct sanction for his vocal support of Harriet Miers' failed bid for the U.S. Supreme Court in 2005, recently raised more than $340,000 in contributions to cover personal legal fees. Hecht is not required to disclose who gave him that money until July, but if history is any indicator - Bob Perry gave Bill Ceverha two $50,000 checks in 2004 and 2005 to cover his legal defense, after Ceverha was forced to defend his activity as treasurer for Tom DeLay's crooked TRMPAC - Perry may well have written Hecht a fat check for the justice's legal defense.
The fact that Texas' high court heard this appeal is perverted enough. If the court indeed rules in Perry's favor, we'll know just how sold-out justice has become in our state.
Wednesday, December 6, 2006
Houston Chronicle: Perry Homes builder is largest U.S. political donor
Houston home builder Bob Perry poured $16 million into state and federal races during the recent election cycle, apparently making him the biggest individual political contributor in the country for 2005-06, a money-tracking group reported Tuesday. A legislator from San Antonio hopes the report will boost his proposal to place limits on big donors, but similar efforts have failed in the past.
Bob Perry is nation's biggest campaign donor
Dec. 6, 2006
By CLAY ROBISON
Copyright 2006 Houston Chronicle Austin Bureau
AUSTIN — Houston home builder Bob Perry poured $16 million into state and federal races during the recent election cycle, apparently making him the biggest individual political contributor in the country for 2005-06, a money-tracking group reported Tuesday.
A legislator from San Antonio hopes the report will boost his proposal to place limits on big donors, but similar efforts have failed in the past.
Perry has been a leading political donor in Texas for several years, but the $6.7 million he gave to state candidates, mostly Republicans, and political action committees over the past two years was a 44 percent increase over 2003-04, according to Texans for Public Justice.
Additionally, he put $9.3 million into federal elections, mostly through conservative groups that bought ads attacking Democratic congressional candidates throughout the country, TPJ reported, citing Congressional Quarterly's PoliticalMoneyLine.
"Texas is the Wild West of money in politics. Texas needs limits," said Andrew Wheat, TPJ's research director.
Wheat said Perry's total contributions may be the largest ever by an individual donor from Texas, other than what a wealthy candidate has given to his own campaign. Laredo businessman Tony Sanchez spent about $60 million of his own money on his unsuccessful race for governor in 2002.
Nationally, New York billionaire George Soros gave $23.5 million, mostly to liberal organizations, in the 2004 election cycle. Soros spent less this year.
Perry spokesman Anthony Holm said the home builder gives to Republicans and "pro-business, pro-jobs" Democrats because they support governmental policies promoting job creation.
"Bob Perry's political donations are all transparent and spent in public," Holm said.
"TPJ operates in the shadows. TPJ is funded by secret donors," including plaintiffs' lawyers, he added.
Texans for Public Justice says it is nonpartisan, but it frequently draws fire from conservatives for its periodic reports criticizing the role that large donations play in the electoral process. TPJ Director Craig McDonald said his group receives some funding from plaintiffs' lawyers but gets most of his support from philanthropic and other foundations.
85 biggest givers
About a month before the Nov. 7 election, the group released a report listing the 85 biggest donors to Texas candidates and committees, up to that point in the election cycle. Perry and his wife, Doylene, topped that list, which also included a number of other business people and several prominent plaintiffs' lawyers, including Fred Baron of Dallas, Mikal Watts of Corpus Christi, Walter Umphrey of Beaumont and John Eddie Williams of Houston.
Perry was singled out in this follow-up report because he's "the biggest donor in Texas," McDonald said.
Rep. Mike Villarreal, D-San Antonio, has prefiled HB111 for the legislative session, which convenes in January, to limit total political contributions by one individual in state races to $100,000 per election cycle.
Villarreal sponsored a similar bill in 2005, but it died in a House subcommittee.
"I think there is more public clamor for change," he said, noting that another mega-contributor, San Antonio businessman James Leininger, a leading advocate of spending tax dollars on private school vouchers, also received much attention this year for large political donations to legislative candidates.
Under Villarreal's bill, a person could give the entire $100,000 to a single candidate or committee but would be unable to donate to anyone else.
Among candidates this year, Perry gave 92 percent of his money to Republicans and 8 percent to Democrats, TPJ reported. HillCo PAC, the political action committee of an Austin lobbying firm that represents Perry's company, Perry Homes, received $545,000.
HillCo partner Bill Miller said money has been part of the democratic process since time immemorial.
"What's the difference between him giving his money and John O'Quinn giving a seven-figure contribution?" he asked.
O'Quinn, a plaintiffs' lawyer from Houston, gave Democratic nominee Chris Bell $1.5 million in the recent gubernatorial race.
After contributing $3.8 million to state candidates and committees in the 2002 election, Perry was instrumental in the Legislature's creation in 2003 of the Texas Residential Construction Commission, an agency criticized by consumer advocates as a builder-protection agency.
WINS AND LOSSES
Some recipients of Bob Perry's giving in the 2005-06 election cycle and how they fared in the campaign:
Winners
• Republican Party of Texas: $780,000
• Texans for Lawsuit Reform: $601,000
• HillCo PAC: $545,000
• Gov. Rick Perry: $380,000
• Lt. Gov. David Dewhurst: $285,000
• Sen.-elect Dan Patrick,
R-Houston: $55,000
• Rep. Sylvester Turner,
D-Houston: $50,000
• Sen. John Whitmire,
D-Houston: $45,000
Losers:
• Joe Nixon, R-Houston : $262,500
• Talmadge Heflin, R-Houston: $95,000
• Martha Wong, R-Houston: $59,500
Sources: Texans for Public Justice, Chronicle research
Perry Homes builder is largest U.S. political donor
Builder puts $16 million into election processBob Perry is nation's biggest campaign donor
Dec. 6, 2006
By CLAY ROBISON
Copyright 2006 Houston Chronicle Austin Bureau
AUSTIN — Houston home builder Bob Perry poured $16 million into state and federal races during the recent election cycle, apparently making him the biggest individual political contributor in the country for 2005-06, a money-tracking group reported Tuesday.
A legislator from San Antonio hopes the report will boost his proposal to place limits on big donors, but similar efforts have failed in the past.
Perry has been a leading political donor in Texas for several years, but the $6.7 million he gave to state candidates, mostly Republicans, and political action committees over the past two years was a 44 percent increase over 2003-04, according to Texans for Public Justice.
Additionally, he put $9.3 million into federal elections, mostly through conservative groups that bought ads attacking Democratic congressional candidates throughout the country, TPJ reported, citing Congressional Quarterly's PoliticalMoneyLine.
"Texas is the Wild West of money in politics. Texas needs limits," said Andrew Wheat, TPJ's research director.
Wheat said Perry's total contributions may be the largest ever by an individual donor from Texas, other than what a wealthy candidate has given to his own campaign. Laredo businessman Tony Sanchez spent about $60 million of his own money on his unsuccessful race for governor in 2002.
Nationally, New York billionaire George Soros gave $23.5 million, mostly to liberal organizations, in the 2004 election cycle. Soros spent less this year.
Perry spokesman Anthony Holm said the home builder gives to Republicans and "pro-business, pro-jobs" Democrats because they support governmental policies promoting job creation.
"Bob Perry's political donations are all transparent and spent in public," Holm said.
"TPJ operates in the shadows. TPJ is funded by secret donors," including plaintiffs' lawyers, he added.
Texans for Public Justice says it is nonpartisan, but it frequently draws fire from conservatives for its periodic reports criticizing the role that large donations play in the electoral process. TPJ Director Craig McDonald said his group receives some funding from plaintiffs' lawyers but gets most of his support from philanthropic and other foundations.
85 biggest givers
About a month before the Nov. 7 election, the group released a report listing the 85 biggest donors to Texas candidates and committees, up to that point in the election cycle. Perry and his wife, Doylene, topped that list, which also included a number of other business people and several prominent plaintiffs' lawyers, including Fred Baron of Dallas, Mikal Watts of Corpus Christi, Walter Umphrey of Beaumont and John Eddie Williams of Houston.
Perry was singled out in this follow-up report because he's "the biggest donor in Texas," McDonald said.
Rep. Mike Villarreal, D-San Antonio, has prefiled HB111 for the legislative session, which convenes in January, to limit total political contributions by one individual in state races to $100,000 per election cycle.
Villarreal sponsored a similar bill in 2005, but it died in a House subcommittee.
"I think there is more public clamor for change," he said, noting that another mega-contributor, San Antonio businessman James Leininger, a leading advocate of spending tax dollars on private school vouchers, also received much attention this year for large political donations to legislative candidates.
Under Villarreal's bill, a person could give the entire $100,000 to a single candidate or committee but would be unable to donate to anyone else.
Among candidates this year, Perry gave 92 percent of his money to Republicans and 8 percent to Democrats, TPJ reported. HillCo PAC, the political action committee of an Austin lobbying firm that represents Perry's company, Perry Homes, received $545,000.
HillCo partner Bill Miller said money has been part of the democratic process since time immemorial.
"What's the difference between him giving his money and John O'Quinn giving a seven-figure contribution?" he asked.
O'Quinn, a plaintiffs' lawyer from Houston, gave Democratic nominee Chris Bell $1.5 million in the recent gubernatorial race.
After contributing $3.8 million to state candidates and committees in the 2002 election, Perry was instrumental in the Legislature's creation in 2003 of the Texas Residential Construction Commission, an agency criticized by consumer advocates as a builder-protection agency.
WINS AND LOSSES
Some recipients of Bob Perry's giving in the 2005-06 election cycle and how they fared in the campaign:
Winners
• Republican Party of Texas: $780,000
• Texans for Lawsuit Reform: $601,000
• HillCo PAC: $545,000
• Gov. Rick Perry: $380,000
• Lt. Gov. David Dewhurst: $285,000
• Sen.-elect Dan Patrick,
R-Houston: $55,000
• Rep. Sylvester Turner,
D-Houston: $50,000
• Sen. John Whitmire,
D-Houston: $45,000
Losers:
• Joe Nixon, R-Houston : $262,500
• Talmadge Heflin, R-Houston: $95,000
• Martha Wong, R-Houston: $59,500
Sources: Texans for Public Justice, Chronicle research
Dallas Morning News: Texan was largest donor to campaigns
Homebuilder Bob Perry appears to have been the biggest political contributor in the nation this year, with $16 million in donations to state and federal races, according to a new report. The Houston businessman put $6.7 million into Texas contests and $9.3 million to national candidates and committees seeking to elect Republicans to Congress. Read the article at the Dallas Morning News
December 6, 2006
By WAYNE SLATER / The Dallas Morning News
AUSTIN – Homebuilder Bob Perry appears to have been the biggest political contributor in the nation this year, with $16 million in donations to state and federal races, according to a new report.
The Houston businessman put $6.7 million into Texas contests and $9.3 million to national candidates and committees seeking to elect Republicans to Congress.
The effort had mixed results, with Mr. Perry losing more races than he won in the Legislature and in sharply contested congressional races nationwide.
At the same time, the GOP slate of statewide candidates he backed, from Gov. Rick Perry (no relation) down the ballot, won decisively.
"Bob Perry is a kind of Texas political cash machine," said Andrew Wheat of Texans for Public Justice, a nonprofit group that tracks campaign contributions. "He believes in Republican hegemony in Congress and the Texas Legislature, and he seems willing to pay just about any price to get it."
Anthony Holm, a spokesman for Mr. Perry, dismissed Texans for Public Justice as biased and beholden to Democratic-leaning trial lawyers for its funding.
"Bob Perry is acting in the open and in a transparent environment, unlike TPJ," Mr. Holm said. "Until TPJ comes out of the shadows, they lack the credibility to debate this issue in the public arena."
The Austin group is not required by law to disclose who finances its research. Its federal tax filings indicate nonprofit foundations and personal-injury trial lawyers provide some of its money.
Mr. Perry has emerged in recent years as the state's biggest political contributor. He prefers candidates who pledge to limit government interference with business, especially those who support strict limits on lawsuits. Although much of his money goes to Republicans, he supports Democrats in some legislative races.
According to the study by Texans for Public Justice, Republicans got 92 percent of the money Mr. Perry contributed directly to candidates in Texas elections this year. The governor was the biggest beneficiary, with $380,000 in the 2006 election cycle, followed by $320,000 to Attorney General Greg Abbott and $285,265 to Lt. Gov. David Dewhurst, both Republicans.
He gave more than $1 million collectively to his top GOP legislative candidates, but only two of them won – Senate contender Dan Patrick and House candidate Jim Murphy, both of Houston.
He gave more than $200,000 to Democratic state House candidates, most of whom faced little or no opposition. All won.
Texas has no limits on the size of campaign contributions to candidates in state races.
Nationally, Mr. Perry has emerged as the single largest contributor to so-called 527 groups – independent expenditure organizations that can support candidates without campaign limits.
He put $5 million into the Economic Freedom Fund, $2 million into Americans for Honesty on Issues and $1 million for the Free Enterprise Fund, which funded television commercials and automated telephone calls against Democrats in closely contested congressional races from West Virginia to Oregon.
Texan was largest donor to campaigns
Report: Houston homebuilder gave $16M to state, federal racesDecember 6, 2006
By WAYNE SLATER / The Dallas Morning News
AUSTIN – Homebuilder Bob Perry appears to have been the biggest political contributor in the nation this year, with $16 million in donations to state and federal races, according to a new report.
The Houston businessman put $6.7 million into Texas contests and $9.3 million to national candidates and committees seeking to elect Republicans to Congress.
The effort had mixed results, with Mr. Perry losing more races than he won in the Legislature and in sharply contested congressional races nationwide.
At the same time, the GOP slate of statewide candidates he backed, from Gov. Rick Perry (no relation) down the ballot, won decisively.
"Bob Perry is a kind of Texas political cash machine," said Andrew Wheat of Texans for Public Justice, a nonprofit group that tracks campaign contributions. "He believes in Republican hegemony in Congress and the Texas Legislature, and he seems willing to pay just about any price to get it."
Anthony Holm, a spokesman for Mr. Perry, dismissed Texans for Public Justice as biased and beholden to Democratic-leaning trial lawyers for its funding.
"Bob Perry is acting in the open and in a transparent environment, unlike TPJ," Mr. Holm said. "Until TPJ comes out of the shadows, they lack the credibility to debate this issue in the public arena."
The Austin group is not required by law to disclose who finances its research. Its federal tax filings indicate nonprofit foundations and personal-injury trial lawyers provide some of its money.
Mr. Perry has emerged in recent years as the state's biggest political contributor. He prefers candidates who pledge to limit government interference with business, especially those who support strict limits on lawsuits. Although much of his money goes to Republicans, he supports Democrats in some legislative races.
According to the study by Texans for Public Justice, Republicans got 92 percent of the money Mr. Perry contributed directly to candidates in Texas elections this year. The governor was the biggest beneficiary, with $380,000 in the 2006 election cycle, followed by $320,000 to Attorney General Greg Abbott and $285,265 to Lt. Gov. David Dewhurst, both Republicans.
He gave more than $1 million collectively to his top GOP legislative candidates, but only two of them won – Senate contender Dan Patrick and House candidate Jim Murphy, both of Houston.
He gave more than $200,000 to Democratic state House candidates, most of whom faced little or no opposition. All won.
Texas has no limits on the size of campaign contributions to candidates in state races.
Nationally, Mr. Perry has emerged as the single largest contributor to so-called 527 groups – independent expenditure organizations that can support candidates without campaign limits.
He put $5 million into the Economic Freedom Fund, $2 million into Americans for Honesty on Issues and $1 million for the Free Enterprise Fund, which funded television commercials and automated telephone calls against Democrats in closely contested congressional races from West Virginia to Oregon.
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